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In this paper, we update and extend “Is There a Glass Ceiling in Sweden?” (Albrecht, Björklund, & Vroman, 2003) by documenting the extent to which the gender log wage gap across the distribution in Sweden has changed over the period 1998–2008. We then examine the Swedish glass ceiling in 2008 in more detail by documenting how it differs for white-collar versus blue-collar workers and for private- versus public-sector workers. We also examine when in the life cycle the glass ceiling effect arises and how this effect develops around the birth of the first child. Finally, we investigate the possible connection between the glass ceiling and the parental leave system in Sweden by linking wage data with data on parental leave from different Swedish registers.

While some EU countries have successfully reduced unemployment and increased employment, others could only accomplish partial success; therefore, unemployment rates across the EU are still much higher than in the 1970s. There are still large regional differences in terms of unemployment despite considerable region-specific transactions to counter-act such differences. Different employment outcomes are the consequence of many factors – such as the demographic trends, the general economic situation, the structure of the economy, the existing welfare and labour market situation, or the level of employment protection – but it may also be the outcome of the effectiveness of the local labour market measures. Local action is important for effective employment policies. Where national policies and implementation measures are sufficiently flexible and adjustable, local level actors can develop integrated approaches to economic growth, maximizing employment opportunities and helping to lessen inequalities and social exclusion in their communities. Mobilization and activity of local communities in combating unemployment are essential to translate national and regional strategies into action on the ground. Local actors purportedly best understand local conditions, aspirations, and needs. There is no magic button for overcoming obstacles and problems, but there are some positive experiences that can be applied or adjusted. The chapter describes the activities and experiences of EU and local initiatives and the problems of institutional organizations.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of collectively agreed increases in minimum wages for manual workers on employment transitions and hours.

The econometric approach relies on the identification of workers affected by minimum wage changes, depending on their position in the wage distribution and contrasts outcomes for these workers to those for unaffected workers, with slightly higher wages.

The analysis suggests that separations increase as minimum wages increase and that substitution between worker groups in response to changes in minimum wages is important in retail. In general, though, hours do not change much as minimum wages increase.

Analyses that deal with employment consequences of increasing minimum wages but disregard hours may exaggerate the overall decline in employment to the extent that job losses are concentrated among low-paid, part-time workers.

With union-bargained minimum wages, unions and employers need to carefully consider the effects of increasing rates on employment.

The findings that there is a trade-off between higher wages among the low-paid and employment loss and that employment to some extent is reshuffled between individuals should be important from a welfare perspective.

The literature on employment effects of minimum wages is large, but very few studies are concerned with union-bargained minimum wages. The assumptions of the econometric model are tested in a novel way by imposing fictitious minimum wages on lower-level non-manuals in the same industry, with turnover characteristics similar to those of manuals but covered by a different collective agreement with non-binding actual minimum wages.